Ą Japan Update
Japan Update
by support of the
Resource Office of the Pacific Campaign for Disarmament
and Security (PCDS)
1. The Real Thinking of Japan's Ministry
of Foreign Affairs (MOFA)
Discussion with MOFA on Nuclear Disarmament and the NPT
Review Conference
2. The Year 2000 Campaign
to Revitalize Grassroots Voices to Abolish Nuclear
Weapons
3. Nagasaki Must Be the
Last Bombed!
A Call for an International NGO Conference in Nagasaki to
Abolish Nuclear Weapons
Attached Documentation:
1. Joint Press Statement on
U.S.-Japan Commission on Arms Control, Disarmament,
Non-proliferation and Verification
2. Resolution of the Japanese
Parliamentary Association for the Promotion of
International Disarmament (JPAPID) on NPT Review
Conference
Postal Address: Hiyoshi Gruene
102, 3-3-1, Minowa-cho, Kohoku-ku, Yokohama, 223-0051
Japan
Phone: (81)45-563-5101 Fax: (81)45-563-9907 E-mail:
peacedepot@y.email.ne.jp
Website: http://www.jca.apc.org/peacedepot/english.html
The Real Thinking of
Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA)
Discussion with MOFA
on Nuclear Disarmament and the NPT Review Conference
It is not easy for an
author to summarize another's views, especially views
which the author finds inherently self-contradictory. The
following is an account that is the result of such an
attempt by the present authors. We have extracted typical
questions and answers from discussions between Japanese
citizens and officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(MOFA) Japan, regarding the Government of Japan's (GOJ)
nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation policy. Since
the Tokyo Forum for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and
Disarmament convened by the GOJ in 1998, discussions have
taken place at five NGO meetings attended by guest
speakers from the Arms Control and Disarmament Division
of MOFA. Where necessary, comments by the authors follow
the Q and A.
Q1. Why did the
Government of Japan (GOJ) abstain from voting on the New
Agenda Resolution in the UN General Assembly?
A1. There are two
reasons. One is that Japan, though it shares the goal of
a nuclear-weapon-free world, takes a different approach
from the New Agenda Coalition (NAC) countries. We need to
have the cooperation of the nuclear weapon states and it
is not necessarily constructive to take a confrontational
attitude vis-a-vis these states. The last resolution,
though improved, still betrays a degree of skepticism
towards the commitment of the nuclear weapon states.
The other reason is that
Japan, as a country that relies on the U.S. nuclear
deterrent for its national security, cannot support
proposed intermediate measures, such as no-first-use,
which might reduce the effectiveness of that deterrent.
Q2. We cannot
understand why Japan, the only country which has been
devastated by the Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki and witnessed the Hibakusha's tragic deaths and
damaged lives, relies on nuclear weapons for national
security. You are, in effect, creating more Hibakusha.
A2.The government
fully understands the terrible experiences and the
inhumane nature of the A and H bombs; however, the
international security circumstances surrounding Japan
are quite severe. The GOJ embraces the ideal and goal of
nuclear abolition, but at the same time, in practice, it
cannot help but rely upon security policies which include
nuclear deterrence. We sincerely invite citizens to
understand the practical challenges we face in the real
world of international relations.
(Authors' comments)We
don't believe the GOJ's claim that it "fully
understands the terrible experiences and the inhumane
nature of A and H bombs." Full understanding of the
"inhumane nature of A and H bombs" should
naturally lead to an analysis of the legality of nuclear
weapons based upon international law. One of the
fundamental principles of the foreign policy of the GOJ
is respect for the UN system. But, the GOJ has never
respected the Advisory Opinion of the International Court
of Justice (ICJ), the UN's paramount legal body.
In addition, it is not at
all clear what accounts for the perceived severity in the
international security circumstances surrounding Japan.
If any security consideration really matters regarding
nuclear weapons, why didn't Japan move to substantially
lessen the role of nuclear weapons in its security policy
at the end of the Cold War when the claimed threat of the
former Soviet Union and China had been drastically
reduced? We have never seen any Japanese initiatives in
this direction.
Q3. What is the
difference between Japan and the NAC countries regarding
international security circumstances?
A3. Japan has been
located at the front line of the Cold War, with Russia
and China nearby. It can be said that the situation is
much more severe than that of NAC countries such as New
Zealand or Sweden.
Q4. You cannot condemn
India and Pakistan for developing nuclear weapons, while
at the same time insisting on the necessity of nuclear
weapons for Japan's national security.
A4.India and
Pakistan should be condemned for not participating in the
NPT regime, which is crucial for international peace and
security. Without the NPT regime, the number of nuclear
weapon states would increase dramatically. If the number
increases, it would be more difficult for the current
five Nuclear Weapon States (NWSs) to reduce their nuclear
arsenals. This outcome would be contrary to international
peace and security. If the Democratic Peoples Republic of
Korea (DPRK), for instance, should have nuclear weapons
upon the collapse of the NPT regime, Japan might have to
consider possessing its own nuclear weapons for national
security purposes.
(Authors' comments)
The stated policy of Japan regarding India and Pakistan
is to call upon them to accede to the NPT as Non-Nuclear
Weapon States. Therefore, the logical consequence of
Japan's policy is that it urges India and Pakistan to
come under nuclear umbrellas of any of the five NWSs,
just as Japan does. It then follows that a growing number
of states would rely upon other states' nuclear weapons.
This means that the role of nuclear weapons would grow as
more targets become necessary to defend allies. The GOJ
should realize that the desire for nuclear weapon
possession itself and the demand for nuclear umbrellas
have similarly destructive effects on nuclear
disarmament.
Q5.Can Japan
demand that the United States reduce its nuclear arsenal
while at the same time requesting U.S. nuclear deterrence
against alleged biological or chemical weapons of the
DPRK?
A5. Japan can
request the U.S. and the other NWSs to reduce their
nuclear arsenals by an amount that does not affect U.S.
nuclear deterrence upon which Japan relies.
(Authors' comments)
The GOJ says that the acceleration of the START process
is one of its priorities for nuclear disarmament.
However, if Japan adheres to a first-use option against
DPRK, this means, by implication, that it is asking the
U.S. to maintain many nuclear targets. It then follows
that Japan has to support the claim by the U.S. that it
cannot reduce its arsenal if it is to remain able to
respond the request of Japan as well as those of other
allies. Therefore, the GOJ's nuclear weapons policy is
self-contradictory.
Q6. Do you believe
that the U.S. really uses nuclear weapons to protect
Japan even though there is no doubt that the U.S. would
be retaliated against by nuclear weapons?
A6.It is
difficult to answer this question. While we understand
that the international norm restricts the level of
counter-attack because its intensity has to be
proportionate to the intensity of the original attack,
the option of nuclear weapons is still included within
the framework of Japan-U.S. military cooperation.
(Authors' comments)
We don't think that U.S. citizens will support the use of
nuclear weapons for Japan's sake when it is obvious that
the U.S. will be retaliated against by nuclear weapons.
Q7. Why don't you
propose a Northeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (NWFZ)
as an alternative security arrangement?
A7.The GOJ
generally supports the creation and expansion of NWFZs.
However, as for Northeast Asia, the international
security circumstances are so severe that it is premature
to consider such a NWFZ in this region.
(Authors' comments)
The very initiation of a proposal to establish a NWFZ
could contribute to the easing of tensions in this
region. The GOJ appears to need regional tension in order
to rationalize its development of Theater Missile Defense
(TMD) and the advancement of other military capabilities.
Q8. Please explain the
GOJ's position towards the upcoming NPT Review
Conference.
A8. It is crucial
that a document tentatively named, "Additional
Objectives," which is built upon the Principles and
Objectives (P&O) of 1995, be adopted by consensus at
the Conference. The Additional Objectives is not to
replace the P&O of 1995. There was some
misunderstanding on the wording of "Updated
Objectives" which was included in the Japanese
resolution at the UNGA last year. Many countries
abstained from that paragraph of the resolution because
they thought that Japan didn't think much of the
implementation of the P&O.
We can say that the
conference would be successful if the Additional
Objectives are adopted. If not, international trust in
the NPT regime would be severely weakened. Japan is now
carefully consulting with other countries on the wording
of the Additional Objectives, but the contents will be as
follows:
1. Promotion of the
ratification process and early entry into force of the
CTBT.
2. Early commencement of the FMCT negotiations and
conclusion of it by 2003 or 2005.
3. Further reduction of the nuclear arsenals of the NWSs,
especially through START II, III and beyond. Japan would
not be satisfied with the level of START III, even if
concluded, and would request further negotiation.
4. Some kind of multilateral negotiation for nuclear
disarmament. Japan does not support the idea of holding
an international conference, such as Non-Aligned
countries propose. The disarmament negotiation must be
done primarily by the NWSs, but Japan thinks it is
necessary to have some kind of multinational negotiation.
5. Expansion of NWFZs. Japan assists the negotiation for
Central Asia NWFZ by providing conference venue and
logistics.
6. Safeguards. It is important to promote the Additional
Safeguards Protocol with the IAEA.
(Authors' comments)
This is a continuation of the conservative "wish
list" of Japan. There is no strong statement nor
proposal to call upon the NWSs to fulfill their NPT
Article 6 obligation. We welcome the GOJ's constant
efforts to promote the entry-into-force of the CTBT and
to facilitate the establishment of a Central Asia NWFZ.
Q9. The Additional
Objectives should be discussed based on the serious
review of record of the past five years. Without
reviewing the record carefully, the adoption of a new
document will result in a mere repetition of failures of
the past five years.
A9. It is
important to review the past, but we have to avoid a
breakdown of the conference because of differences in the
various evaluations of the past.
Q10. How will the
recommendations of the Tokyo Forum Report be incorporated
into the NPT Review Conference?
A10. The 1999
Japanese UNGA resolution incorporates the recommendations
of the Tokyo Forum. The Additional Objectives will also
adopt those elements.
(Authors' comments)
The UNGA Japanese resolution failed to incorporate the
key recommendations of the Tokyo Forum such as the
reduction of U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear warheads
down to 1,000 each, establishment of a permanent
secretariat of the NPT, and restriction on the role of
nuclear weapons to only the core function of deterring
others' nuclear weapons.
Q11. How has Japan
made efforts to advance U.S. nuclear disarmament policy
before the NPT Review Conference?
A11. On March 8,
Japan and the U.S. established the U.S.-Japan Commission
on Arms Control, Disarmament, Non-Proliferation and
Verification. In high-level discussion in the Commission,
Japan honestly expressed its negative evaluation of the
past five years' progress on nuclear disarmament. The
U.S. said it shared the evaluation and agreed that the
NPT RC was very crucial. There was various discussion on
the Additional Objectives.
Q12. How does Japan
work at CD?
A12. Negotiation
of the FMCT is the priority. If the negotiation does not
progress because of conflict over existing stockpiles, we
need to restrict the scope of the treaty only to future
production. China is not going to join the FMCT
negotiations, insisting that the Ad Hoc Committee on
PAROS (Prevention of Arms Race in Outer Space) should be
established at the same time. NAM is insisting on an Ad
Hoc Committee on Nuclear Disarmament. It is regrettable
that those countries do not show a sincere commitment to
join the FMCT negotiation. As for nuclear disarmament,
Japan is ready to accept the establishment of a working
group on nuclear disarmament such as that proposed by
five NATO countries.
(Authors' comments)
The position of the GOJ is very unbalanced. The GOJ
claims the FMCT is the priority. But the GOJ explains
that China and NAM don't think it is the only priority,
and thta they have other priorities: Nuclear Disarmament
Committee and PAROS Committee, Just as the GOJ criticizes
"those countries do not show a sincere commitment to
join the FMCT negotiation," they would say
"Japan does not show a sincere commitment to set-up
nuclear disarmament committee and PAROS committee."
We believe that the GOJ should develop proposals to
advance these priorities in parallel. One logical
approach is to place the FMCT as a priority theme of the
established Ad Hoc Committee on Nuclear Disarmament. As
long as the GOJ continues to stick to the line in which
the FMCT will serve only to non-proliferation rather than
to disarmament, the GOJ will continue to be regarded as a
dummy of the United States.
(Akira KAWASAKI and
Hiro UMEBAYASHI)
NOTE:
The Peace Depot welcomes comments on positions described
in this article.
ŁTOP
The
Year 2000 Campaign to Revitalize
Grassroots Voices to Abolish Nuclear Weapons
Strong
Response from the Public
It was a surprising event.
On January 5th of this year, as soon as the telephone
receiver was put down, it rang again in the calm office
of the Year 2000 Campaign. This happened over and over.
Even though it was still the New Year's holiday for many
people in Japan, they responded to a tiny article which
appeared in the Asahi Shimbun that morning to
report on the initiation of a campaign to collect 2000
opinion leaders' signatures. The signatures would be to
appeal to Japan to take responsibility for the abolition
of nuclear weapons. People expressed their support for
the campaign over the telephone and asked how they could
join in and what they could do at their own places. We
received sixty-six calls on the following two days, and
the number reached one hundred by the end of a week. This
surge of public response has inspired both journalists
and campaigners in Japan, whose role is to channel such
voices to effect change in government policy, to reflect
deeply on their sense of the public's awareness of the
critical issue of nuclear abolition.
Brief History
up to the Birth of the Campaign
On December 22, 1999,
"The Year 2000 Campaign to Abolish Nuclear
Weapons" was officially launched at a press
conference in Tokyo. Preparations for this campaign were
made by independent citizen groups in Hiroshima, Nagasaki
and Tokyo/Yokohama which had been organizing a series of
counter-conferences to the Tokyo Forum, a government-led,
expert conference for nuclear non-proliferation and
disarmament, in 1998 and 1999. After the Tokyo Forum
completed its final report, these groups felt compelled
to revitalize nation-wide grassroots voices to ask for a
Japanese initiative to abolish nuclear weapons and they
thought the year 2000 would be a crucial year for that
effort. They started drafting a unified set of demands of
the people to be addressed to the Government of Japan, a
set of demands which could be endorsed by a broad
spectrum of people across various political lines and
organizations.
The 2000
People's Appeal
The pillar of this campaign
is to organize the "The 2000 People's Appeal: Toward
the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons -- Japan's Mission"
which will be signed by 2000 opinion leaders from various
professions. The full text of the appeal is attached at
the end of this article. At the time of the press
conference we had 619 signatories. As of April 21, 2000,
the Appeal has now been signed by 1,351 individuals
including popular actors, actresses, singers, writers,
artists, cartoonists, scholars, lawyers, presidents of
organizations, business people and campaigners. Names of
some signatories of international interest are listed at
the end of this report. The campaign's plan is to attain
2000 signatories by the end of June or July. Following
this, a large mission of signatories will be organized to
present the Appeal to the Prime Minister and heads of
major political parties and to ask for actions to
implement the set of demands contained within the Appeal.
Campaign
Activities
Since there are already
several national organizations working for nuclear
abolition in Japan, the Year 2000 Campaign is not meant
to add yet another one to undertake similar activities.
Instead, it is meant to play a catalyst role to reach new
people and encourage them to start fresh initiatives. To
this end, the Year 2000 Campaign is engaged in the
following activities in addition to the 2000 People's
Appeal mentioned above.
1. To maintain a web-site
to publicize abolition activities of various
organizations and groups all around Japan, including
those of traditional national organizations and local
citizen groups.
2. To introduce overseas activities for nuclear abolition
to Japanese audiences and conversely to inform overseas
audiences of Japanese activities.
3. To support the Nagasaki NGO International Assembly in
November and to help in the planning, advertising and
mobilizing for its success.
Abolition Week in Japan
The Year 2000 Campaign played a role in exchanging
information about activities all over Japan during Global
Abolition Week, March 1-8, 2000. The following activities
took place:
February 26, Kawasaki
City: A Public Meeting to celebrate the annual
general assembly of the Peace Depot included a special
speech by Rebecca Johnson on the NPT Review Conference. A
summary of the talk has been printed and circulated by
the Peace Depot as an educational resource for activists
and journalists.
March 3, Tokyo:
Women's groups organized a forum to hear Angie Zelter, a
successful defendant in one of the Trident Plowshare
court cases in Scotland, and to discuss ways to abolish
nuclear weapons. The title of the forum was, "We Can
Abolish Nuclear Weapons!"
March 4, Tokyo: An
all-day event took place in Tokyo entitled, "Our
Abolition Day! Symposium on Northeast Asia Nuclear
Weapon-Free Zone." In the morning Angie Zelter spoke
about her non-violent direct action. In the afternoon
there was a symposium to discuss approaches to
establishing a Northeast Asia NWFZ, with panelists Hiro
UMEBAYASHI (the Peace Depot), KIM Hong-Soo (Co-President,
Union of Korean Youth in Japan), KIM Ji-Yong (Reporter, Choson-Shimbosa,
A Japanese Newspaper Related to DPR of Korea), Mari
KUSHIBUCHI (Co-Chair, the Peace Boat), and Masao KUNIHIRO
(Former Senator), with the guest participation of Angie
Zelter.
March 5, Tokyo:
The code-named "Sunflower Operation -- A Street
Performance" took place on the street during
No-Car-Sundays, Shinjuku, Tokyo. Young anti-nuke people,
called Nuclear Abolition Beni-Tengu, made a Sunflower
objet d'art and had a live music performance. The
sunflower is known as the symbol of the global network of
Abolition 2000.
March 11, Nagasaki:
A symposium was organized in Nagasaki as the first
pre-event of the Global Citizen's Assembly in Nagasaki
for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons, which is reported
about in the previous section of this Update. Robert
Green (Middle Powers Initiative), Kate Dewes (Disarmament
& Security Center), and Angie Zelter (Trident
Plowshare) were invited to the Assembly as panelists.
Japanese panelists were Hideo TSUCHIYAMA (Former
President, Nagasaki University) and Masao TOMONAGA
(Professor, Nagasaki University).
In addition to these
activities which were specific to Global Abolition Week,
many other actions took place to commemorate Bikini Day
during the time period from February 29 to March 3 in
Shizuoka and Tokyo. They were sponsored by Gensuikyo,
Gensuikin, the Japanese Consumers' Cooperative Union and
others. Also meetings related to Angie Zelter's speaking
tour were held in many places other than those cited
above, including Sapporo, Hakodate, Osaka, Saga,
Hiroshima and Okinawa during the time period from March 3
to 15.
Co-chairs
and Campaign Office
The Year 2000 Campaign
nominates the following ten co-chair as of April 20,
2000.
Hideo TSUCHIYAMA (Former President of Nagasaki
University)
Senji YAMAGUCHI (Co-Chairperson, Japan Confederation of A
and H-Bomb
Sufferers Organization (Nihon Hidankyo)
Masahide OTA (Former Governor of Okinawa Prefecture)
Shigenori TAKEMOTO (President, Japanese Consumers'
Cooperative Union)
Mihoko EJIRI (President, YWCA Japan)
Yoshino OISHI (Photographer)
Hiromichi UMEBAYASHI (President, the Peace Depot)
Mitsuo OKAMOTO (Professor, Hiroshima Shudo University)
Haruko MORITAKI (Hiroshima Citizens Group for Promoting
Peace with People of India and Pakistan)
Sadao KAMATA (Director, Nagasaki Peace Institute)
Campaign Office:
The Japan Year 2000 Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons
3-3-1 Minowa-cho, Kohoku-ku, Yokohama, 223-0051 Japan
Tel: (81)45-563-5164, Fax: (81)45-563-9907
E-mail: 2000campaign@jca.apc.org
Website:http://www.jca.apc.org/2000campaign/
ŁTOP
The 2000 People's Appeal
Toward the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons -- Japan's
Mission
We have now entered the
last year of the 20th Century.
It appears that humankind
will carry into the 21st Century the same follies that it
devised in the 20th Century. Nuclear weapons, which can
incinerate hundreds of thousands of citizens in an
instant, remain at the core of international politics.
Over 30,000 nuclear warheads exist on this planet, with a
significant number on hair-trigger alert. While the
overwhelming majority of citizens, including those who
live in nuclear weapons states, want a nuclear
weapon-free world, the political process to bring this
about has been ponderous and slow, with few substantial
gains.
We believe that the
Japanese people bear a special responsibility for this
situation. We have listened closely to the hibakushas of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki in their plea that, "Nuclear
weapons should never be used!," as they speak about
the hellish scenes branded on their eyes after the blast.
For over a half century we have lived in a society that
is dominated by fears that the physical and social
after-effects of the atomic bombing can continue for
generations. Do we as Japanese citizens not have a
responsibility to use these experiences for the benefit
of the future of the earth and of humanity?
Contrary to what we often
hear, it is not true that there is no hope. Some
middle-power governments stood together and took bold
action in June, 1998. These governments, called the New
Agenda Coalition, declared: "We, on our part, will
spare no efforts" towards the abolition of nuclear
weapons. Non-governmental groups (NGOs) around the world
are encouraging these governments, and movements in which
governments and NGOs cooperate are gaining strength. In
addition, a model nuclear weapons convention, which NGOs
drafted, has become an official UN document and has been
circulated among governments.
Unfortunately, the
Japanese government refused to join the New Agenda
Coalition when it was invited to do so. The Japanese
government continues to embrace nuclear deterrence
doctrine and is obsessed with the idea of defending Japan
with nuclear weapons.
Is the Japanese
anti-nuclear sentiment, which must be stronger than that
of any other peoples in the world, powerless? Does
Japanese democracy not work? It is acknowledged that the
Japanese anti-nuclear movement has sometimes created
impediments within itself to achieving its goals over the
past five decades. However, isn't it high time for us to
call into being an overarching human ethos and create
opportunities for Japanese citizens to once again speak
to this critical issue in their own words?
At the dawn of a new
century and a new millennium, we call upon the people of
Japan to speak vigorously for nuclear abolition with a
renewed purpose that goes beyond the differences often
created by 'isms' and beliefs.
The first thing that we
need to do is to change our own government's nuclear
weapons policy. Toward this end, we have the following
challenges:
1. To create a
non-nuclear law in Japan
In addition to turning
the three non-nuclear principles into a law, a security
policy is needed in which Japan will not rely on nuclear
weapons and come out from beneath the US nuclear
umbrella. In addition, the current plutonium policy of
Japan needs to be reviewed as it raises concerns about
nuclear-proliferation.
2. To establish a nuclear
weapon-free zone in Northeast Asia
The establishment of a
nuclear weapon-free zone in Northeast Asia will be a
significant step towards easing tension and building
confidence in this region.
3. To activate nuclear
free-local authorities
It is time for the more
than 2,300 local authorities that have declared
themselves to be nuclear-free to take action. Citizens
must take steps to activate them.
4. To make the Government
of Japan a leader in promoting nuclear disarmament in its
international relations
Citizens in Japan need to
urge the Government of Japan to play an active role in
promoting nuclear disarmament in international diplomacy
in cooperation with like-minded nations such as the New
Agenda Coalition states.
We make an appeal to all
the fellow citizens. Let us build an immense wave of
support and activity for nuclear abolition in the year
2000, and inform the world what we have done. Please
begin where you are. Each of your actions, as tiny as it
may be, will make a change. Each of us, too, signs this
'2000 People's Appeal' as one of those who commit to
undertake such actions.
Some Names of
Signatories to the 2000 Peoples' Appeal of International
Interests
Campaign Organizers:
Chieko AKAISHI (Women's
Democratic Club), Yoko FURUYAMA (Peace Boat), Masanori
IKEDA (JALANA), Kazuo ISHIWATARI (Sokagakkai), Shigetoshi
IWAMATSU (Gensuikin), Michiji KONUMA (Pugwash), Kiyokazu
KOSHIDA (PARC), Michiya KUMAOKA (JVC), Yasuhiro MATSUI
(Gensuikyo), Yayori MATSUI (VAWW NET Japan), Baku NISHIO
(CNIC), Kenichi Otsu (NCC Japan), Yoshinao Otsuka
(Catholic Justice & Peace), Kazue TAKAHASHI
(Shinfujin), Jun UI (Environmental Network), Kenji URATA
(IALANA), Kenjiro YOKORO (IPPNW), Yoshikiyo YOSHIDA
(Peace Office), Yuichi YOSHIKAWA (Citizens' 30 Opinions)
Others:
IRUKA (singer), Kosetsu
MINAMI (singer), Yuzo TOYAMA (orchestra conductor), Reiko
YUKAWA (music commentator), Hiroki KOKUBO (baseball
player), Masatake YAMANAKA (baseball manager), Makoto ODA
(writer), Rokusuke EI (writer), Wahei TATEMATSU (writer),
James MIKI (scenario writer), Yotaro KONAKA (writer),
Sadako KURIHARA (poet), Hisakazu FUJITA (international
law), Yoshikazu SAKAMOTO (international politics),
Katsuko SARUHASHI (geochemistry), Toshiyuki TOYOTA
(physics), Koji FUSHIMI (physics), Atsunosuke NAKAJIMA
(nuclear chemist), Tetsuya CHIKUSHI (journalist), Isao
FUKUTOME (Newscaster), Mitsuko SHIMOMURA (journalist),
Soichiro TAWARA (commentator), Hiromitsu TOYOSAKI
(photo-journalist), Bunyo ISHIKAWA (photo-journalist),
Sakae TAKITA (actor), Sayuri YOSHINAGA (actress), Susumu
HANI (movie director), Yoji YAMADA (movie director), Kei
ISHIZAKA (cartoonist)
ŁTOP
Nagasaki Must Be the Last
Bombed!
A
Call for an International NGO Conference in Nagasaki to
Abolish Nuclear Weapons:
November 17-20, 2000
A fortunate convergence
of two motivating forces for peace occurred in Nagasaki
City where the second atomic bomb was dropped on August
9, 1945.
First, the Mayor of
Nagasaki, who attended the Hague Appeal for Peace
Conference in May 1999 to witness the empowering NGO
activities for peace, has come to believe that it will be
the concerted work of NGOs that will vigorously advance
the cause of nuclear abolition. Subsequently, in his
Peace Declaration on August 9, 1999, he emphasized the
importance of NGO roles in future efforts for nuclear
disarmament, and then he expressed his willingness to
host a major international NGO assembly in Nagasaki in
the year 2000 to demand nuclear abolition.
Second, long-term efforts
by the Nagasaki Peace Institute, a citizen-based
institute, to maintain a neutral relationship with
various local citizen groups have made it possible to
unite these groups for nuclear abolition conferences. A
two-year test run of a non-partisan committee in Nagasaki
to intervene in the Tokyo Forum for Nuclear
Non-Proliferation and Disarmament process ended
successfully last year in cooperation with independent
national NGOs, including the Peace Depot. This committee
has now become "The Year 2000 Nagasaki Citizens'
Council for Nuclear Weapons Abolition." It is a
truly history-making coalition of the broadest range of
Nagasaki citizen groups as it transcends the differences
of 'isms' and beliefs. The primary objective of this
coalition is to bring the Mayor's idea of international
NGO Assembly for nuclear abolition into reality.
Objective of
the Assembly
The title of the Conference
is tentatively: "Global Citizens Assembly in
Nagasaki: Challenging the 21st Century to Abolish Nuclear
Weapons -- Nagasaki Must Be the Last Bombed!" As the
20th Century comes to a close, the Assembly aims to rally
the will of NGOs to abolish nuclear weapons in the
earliest days of the new century. To that end, the
pioneering activities of NGOs will be highlighted and
shared at the Assembly. Also, the Assembly is intended as
a venue to launch specific campaigns (programs) in the
cause of nuclear abolition by a variety of NGOs. The
Assembly will issue a declaration to demonstrate the will
and the strategy of the participants.
Programs
A four-day (tentative)
conference planned from Nov. 17 (Fri) to Nov. 20 (Mon).
An optional field study tour will be organized by local
groups before and/or after the Assembly. The schedule of
events is tentatively set as follows.
- Nov. 17 (Fri) Rooms
are available for NGOs' preparatory meetings
- Nov. 18 (Sat)
Opening Plenary
- Nov. 19 (Sun)
Workshops
- Nov. 20 (Mon)
Closing Plenary
- (close about noon,
but rooms are available for NGOs in the
afternoon.)
Work shop themes will include the following:
- Nuclear Weapon
Convention
- Refuting Nuclear
Deterrence (including No First Use)
- New Nuclear
Weapon-Free Zones
- Youth Forum
- Women's Forum
- Hibakusha and
Victims of Tests
- Abolition 2000
Network
- New Agenda Coalition
and Middle Powers Initiative
- Bringing-in of
Nuclear Weapons and NCND
- Laboratory Tests and
Subcritical Tests
- BMD and
Nuclearization of Space
- Culture of Peace and
Peace Education
Each workshop is being
organized by at least two convenors, one from overseas
and one from Japan. In addition to the above workshops,
the Organizing Committee intends to provide rooms for
independent programs related to nuclear disarmament and
encourages NGOs to bring their own plans.
Organizing
Committee Launched
On April 15, the official
inaugural meeting of the Organizing Committee took place
in Nagasaki. Four entities are sponsoring the Assembly:
Nagasaki City, Nagasaki Prefecture, Nagasaki Foundation
for the Promotion of Peace (a subordinate foundation of
Nagasaki City) and The Year 2000 Nagasaki Citizens'
Council for Nuclear Weapons Abolition, the above
mentioned coalition of local citizen groups. The Governor
of Nagasaki Prefecture and the Mayor of Nagasaki City are
advisors to the Organizing Committee. Prof. Hideo
Tsuchiyama, former President of Nagasaki University was
nominated as the Chair of the Organizing Committee. Five
vice-chairs were elected: four from the four sponsoring
entities and one (Hiro Umebayashi, President of The Peace
Depot) from Abolition 2000 Coordinating Committee. The
Organizing Committee also calls upon a civic fund-raising
campaign for the Assembly to supplement the budget
allocated by City and Prefectural Governments, as well as
to strengthen the civil society involvement.
Toward a
Nation-Wide Event
It is the desire of Nagasaki
citizens that this Assembly be a joint project of all the
NGOs which have been working for nuclear abolition. To
that end, a nation-wide liaison committee will be
organized on June 3. NGOs from all over Japan will be
encouraged to join and cooperate for the success of this
major end-of-the-century Assembly. In addition, active
discussion will start and be on-going on the nature of
the outcome of the Assembly. The demand to start a
ban-the-nuclear-weapon process similar to the Ottawa
process for the land-mine treaty is among such agenda
items. Nagasaki citizen groups are really enthusiastic
and pray for a productive Assembly.
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Joint
Press Statement
U.S.-JAPAN
COMMISSION ON ARMS CONTROL, DISARMAMENT,
NON-PROLIFERATION AND VERIFICATION
Resolution towards NPT Review
Conference
The
Japanese Parliamentary Association for the Promotion of
International Disarmament (JPAPID)
April
13, 2000
1. The Japanese
Parliamentary Association for the Promotion of
International Disarmament (JPAPID) recognizes the need
for preserving and further strengthening the NPT regime
which has greatly contributed to international peace and
security. It is regrettable that no significant progress
has been made towards nuclear disarmament since the
Treaty was indefinitely extended at the NPT Review and
Extension Conference in 1995.
2. The success of the
2000 NPT Review Conference is crucial in maintaining and
enhancing the credibility of the nuclear
non-proliferation regime. The failure of the Conference
would only benefit those countries which have a hidden
agenda against that regime. JPAPID calls upon all
participating countries to contribute to the Conference
in a cooperative manner.
3. The Conference should
provide us with the prospect of the ultimate elimination
of nuclear weapons. And such a prospect is possible if
participants renew their commitment to the early
entry-into-force of the CTBT and the early conclusion of
the Cut-Off Treaty within a fixed time frame. JPAPID
calls upon the Japanese government to play an active,
coordinating role in securing an agreement on further
milestones towards nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation and on the concrete progress to be made
on these issues.
4. It is the hope of
JPAPID that the success of the Conference will contribute
to greater progress in the area of global nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation.
Editor's Note: JPAPID
is a supra-partisan association which consists of 113
Diet Members at present. This resolution is very close to
the government's position and weak for disarmament.
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